I want Nick Griffin on my idiot box!!!

BNP leader Nick Griffin (L) and fellow BNP member Andrew Brons speak to reporters outside Parliament on June 9, 2009 Photo by Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images)

‘I disagree with what you say but will defend to death your right to say it,’

Opinion may be divided about the origin of this quote, but its interpretation is unequivocal – freedom of expression and democracy for all. However, when the freedom of few threatens the rights of others, democracy becomes counter-productive.

The British National Party’s success in European and local elections on June 4, compelled the freedom loving activists to march against what the party stands for, but in doing so they also protested against democracy.

In Manchester, a combination of different movements and organisations held rallies against the election of BNP, which gained one seat from the North West in European Parliament and two council seats in local elections. One was held outside the BBC studios on Oxford Road to register disapproval of party leader Nick Griffin’s possible appearance on the channel.

When asked if it was fair to decline Griffin the freedom of expression, Mark Krantz, convenor of Manchester Stop the War Coalition, said: “Why should we have Nick Griffin on our TV? Wherever he speaks, boots, fists and racist attacks follow, that’s why we don’t want him on TV.”

While Krantz’s fears are justified given Griffin’s record of inciting hatred, in the current situation bad publicity has served only to benefit the BNP. The local media campaign against the party helped consolidate their support base, turning Griffin and his cronies into martyrs of sorts.

It is important to understand that Nick Griffin will represent the North-West in the European Parliament for the next five years. A media boycott would let him get away with his extremist agenda unquestioned.

There is also a section of the electorate who do not know much about the chequered history of Griffin and his party. Unless they are brought on air and questioned about their policies, the naïve will remain as ignorant as ever.

Chris Paul, a Labour Party member from Manchester, favours putting the BNP on the airwaves with a word of advice for the journalists. He said: “They have been elected so we have to now deal with them. But I think that we have to shine a light on their views, get some of those lower down ones, the ones who don’t know how to spin a yarn like Nick Griffin, get them on the microphone, get them on television and newspapers and they will say such stupid things.

“What I have noticed over the last couple of years is Nick Griffin getting quite an easy ride from the journalists. They think he is stupid but he’s quite clever. If they are going to have him on television, they will have to be prepared for it.”

The election of the BNP has given the media a unique opportunity to hold the party accountable for its views. The way to go about it is not to shun the members, but to give them enough exposure to inform their electorate what they really stand for.

As Dr Abdul Aziz Belattar, Assistant Secretary General, The Muslim Council of Britain, puts it, this could be “the beginning of the end for them because every minute they speak and open their mouth, they will be exposed”.

Chasing Hazel

The video is also available on http://www.salfordstar.com/article.asp?id=197

It took the members of Salford Labour Party four odd hours to emerge from the meeting convened to decide the fate of Hazel Blears, it took her slightly longer before she made the dash to her car through the side entrance.

As expected, her cronies voted her in with a sizable majority, while they may have extended her stint as a Labour candidate for slightly longer, they have done so at the cost of their constituents' support. What price they pay for this decision will manifest itself in the next election results.

Protesters outside Salford Civic Centre.
Photo by Daniel Sims

The hordes of journos, camped outside the Salford Civic Centre were not surprised by the result, however, they were unpleasantly surprised by the cat and mouse game that was put on following the meeting.

During the meeting, there was no word on the developments, other than the announcement of the result. Nobody knew if the meeting had ended or if anyone would make an appearance on the steps. TV crews took positions everytime the main door opened, only to find some party member, sporting a colourful outfit (there were plenty of those tonight, one woman hid her face in her hat), emerge.

Photo by Daniel Sims

Almost everyone had to replace batteries on their equipment, as cameras were switched on and off in the hopes of capturing Blears. However, she had other plans for the night. Instead of coming out and addressing the media, a BBC journalist was called in for a pool interview. This was done without anyone's knowledge and only added to the anger when TV anchors found out they had braved the weather for nothing.

Representatives of all major print and electronic media outlets waited in miserable, wet conditions for five hours before a statement was made by John Cullen, chairman of the local constituency party. With the decoy in place, Blears emerged from the back entrance. However, some journalists (including myself) were there and we managed to 'walk' her to her car.

It is interesting how Blears chose to bail out on the media like this. It was expected she would want to bask in her brazen glory after securing the vote in her favour. Perhaps, her shying away from the cameras is a tacit admission of guilt and her own belief that she does not deserve to be in a public office anymore. What kept her from facing the music is anyone's guess.

p.s. Special thanks to Dan Sims for saving me from hypothermia, if it weren't for your jumper I wouldn't be alive to post the details of our adventure today.

The Jack is out of the box

The ruling is in and NightJack is out. The blog, anonymously written by Lancashire Detective Constable Richard Horton, has been shut down and the detective now faces possible disciplinary action.

According to those who followed the blog, Horton put a human face to the police force. However, Patrick Foster at The Times thought differently and considered it his duty to reveal who NightJack is.

As journalists, the quest for news (and perhaps sometimes truth) is our raison d'etre. For Mr Foster, this must have been some quest. He justifies blowing Horton's cover by detailing how the detective helped readers "evade the long arm of the law". He must be very proud of himself for helping rid the society of an evil blogger.

While our friend basks in glory, he should also take credit for quashing any voices dying to come out of the suffocating confines of the public sector. Thank you for putting to rest any attempts by government employees to make their voices heard. Who wants to know what the workers think anyway, as long as the bigwigs are there to present a rosy picture.

What’s in a slur?

As most of the Britain was busy protesting the Israeli offensive in Gaza or battling the job cuts, Prince Harry’s latest blunder surfaced in the shape of a home video. Recently, a news website released a video diary shot by Prince Harry during his training days at Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in 2005. The video is no different from the hundreds of home videos which are put up on social networking websites every day, save for one tiny detail – it shows the person third in the line to the throne using racist slurs, amongst other things.

Prince Harry is no stranger to controversy. At many an occasion, he has displayed an aloofness to cultural and religious sensibilities. From wearing a Swastika on his arm for a costume party to drunken fist fights with paparazzi, diplomatic decorum does not come naturally to the prince and from the looks of it, the royal staff hasn’t yet been successful in instilling some sense into the young prince either. In this particular video, Prince Harry referred to a fellow Pakistani cadet as ‘Paki’ and then called another one a ‘rag head’ – a slang used for religious extremists.

The debate, which has ensued as a result of this recent incident, is not over the maturity and poise – or lack of it – displayed by Prince Harry. The episode has sent the whole society introspecting on where it stands on the ever-so-delicate issue of racism.

The question is no longer whether people are racist or not, what’s being explored is what actually constitutes racism. In this age of networking and cyber babble, the offensive and derogatory terms have undergone a metamorphosis of sorts. What was previously deemed offensive no longer evokes the same response in certain situations. The usage of the ‘F’ word in every day talk has become so frequent that it may soon lose the derogative connotation once associated with it.

Same goes for many other words which are used as affectionate nicknames for friends. To some extent, the racist slurs have also become tolerable, but that depends on who is using them and in what context. I would surely be offended if called a Paki by a passer-by, but I get rather amused when my Russian friend calls me Paki and I, in return, call him Ruski. And perhaps, for the same reason Prince Charles can be excused for calling his Asian friend Kolin Dhillon ‘Sooty’, at least that is what Mr Dhillon wants us all to do. However, does our passive acceptance of such terms win them universal approval and general tolerance?

As Gordon Brown rushed forth pleading the prince be given ‘the benefit of doubt’, some commentators questioned why ‘Paki’ evokes rage while ‘Brit’ is taken as a mere modification of British. Others defended the beleaguered prince by saying that the reference was made affectionately and he did not mean any contempt. To be entirely fair, the prince’s commentary had a more playful tone than a hostile one. When all this is taken into account, one is forced to ask why this gaffe should not be brushed aside as yet another blunder by an immature prince, especially since the comment was made three years ago.

There are two answers to the question. Firstly, the comment was made by a prince, who is expected to become a role model for young people. Only recently, the two princes were given their separate offices with their own staff and personal crests. The Royal staff has been busy using Prince Harry’s military experience in Afghanistan to present him as someone the public can look up to. With his new image, Prince Harry has to take on new responsibilities and understand that his harmless banter might be seen as an approval of racist behaviour by others. Moreover, the British public pays taxes that contribute to the luxurious upkeep of the Royal Family, the least they deserve is some decorum from the royals.

Secondly, the new generation might not feel very strongly about racist or offensive terms, but there is a whole generation of ethnic minorities who had to fight their way out of racism in this country. Someone rightly pointed out that Paki is different from Brit because no British man can recall being beaten up by Asian skinheads or being hurled an insult at him. Same is not the case with many Pakistanis, who have physically and verbally suffered the hatred which came with the term Paki. The outrage of these people is justified and their sensibilities should be respected.

Therefore, while Mr Dhillon may not mind being called Sooty by his dear friend Prince Charles and the Pakistani cadet called ‘Paki’ may acquit Prince Harry of any racist behaviour, for the rest of us, the slurs remain as politically incorrect as ever.

Latin Left calling

Book review of Pirates of the Caribbean by Tariq Ali published in Dawn Books&Authors on November 11, 2007.

Pirates of the Caribbean – Axis of Hope is an account of the Latin American struggles against the not-so-covert agenda of the neo-liberals and the apostasy of Latin leftists in the face of Western seduction, neatly tied together with frequent romanticised references to the past, coupled with predictions of a promising future, not only for the respective countries, but for the continent as a whole.

Ali starts out by attacking the Washington Consensus (WC) and its game plan, which dangerously resembles the imperial designs of the colonial ‘liberators’. He lays bare the machinations of the western media industry, which is feeding the international audience with what he terms as ‘disinformation’. It is explained that more than informing audiences and enabling them to form their own opinions, the numerous ‘24-hour news channels’ – all of them based in the western hemisphere with the exception of Qatar-based Al-Jazeera and Venezuelan Telesur –– manipulate information and show what a handful of people sitting in the think-tanks of Washington want the world to see.

To strengthen his case against the WC, Ali presents the example of the Venezuelan coup d’etat of 2002, which aimed at toppling Hugo Chavez. The western media, from the very onset of the coup started propagating the vices of the Chavez government and the dire need of its removal. Ali points out that while the media, toeing WC’s line to the tee, drew rather grim pictures of the state of affairs and subjugation of the Venezuelan masses, it failed to highlight that it was the latter which restored Chavez to his position, and that too within 48 hours of his overthrow. Another interesting observation made here is that the majority of the Venezuelan media is anti-government, but not one has ever been taken over or forcefully shut down, this of course was conveniently ignored by a certain British journalist who reported the coup d’etat, as he himself supported the Blair government’s recent actions against BBC.

Ali also throws light on the apostates who, at the end of the Cold War, conveniently shed their leftist cloaks and joined the New World Order bandwagon. He elaborates how these converts became strong bastions of WC in order to prove their nascent loyalties as well as free themselves of their past allegiances. It is observed that the wave of apostasy did not leave any continent untouched, and even though Latin America did see its share of abandonment by so-called loyalists, but the continent has still managed to retain a certain semblance of identity. It was this quest for the preservation of one’s identity that led to the election of Hugo Chavez in February 1998. Interestingly, it was this election and the subsequent actions of Chavez, which alarmed the US and forced it to take its backyard seriously.

A rough sketch of the socio-political dynamics of the major Latin American states is drawn. Apparently these states are classified into two categories: one with leaders who do not mind transcending any number of boundaries to follow the WC and the other who do exactly the opposite. The former category comprises Chile and Brazil; the latter includes Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia.

Ali elaborates that Chile has not as yet recovered from the aftermath of the Pinochet coup and the ensuing repression, which rooted out dissent from its very core. The government headed by Michelle Bachelet is not capable of standing up to the dictates of the West; interestingly it is not even strong enough to counter resistance from within, provided there is any.

Brazil on the other hand is a classic case of corrupt leadership, which turns to the western hemisphere, rather than its local vote bank, to stay in power. Between the two extremes of anti-West and pro-West, lies Argentina, which according to Ali ‘reflects the impact of the rebirth of the Latin American Left’.

Elaborating on the ‘axis of hope’ theory, Ali discusses in detail Venezuelan politics and Chavez’s accession to power and the subsequent opposition from the local oligarchy, media and the middle class. What makes the chapter on Venezuela an interesting read is the fact that it is not merely a personality sketch of an illustrious revolutionary leader, but is a tale of the Venezuelan people, who stood up for their democratic rights time and again. The response of the masses after the coup d’etat of 2002 and then the referendum of 2004 goes to show the power common people enjoy while being ruled by someone who is touted as a dictator by the western hemisphere. It is also worth noting that the right to remove an elected president is provided by the Venezuelan constitution itself.

The second case study in the trilogy is Bolivia – the country where Che Geuvara’s struggles were put to a momentary rest with his execution. The Bolivian tale of awakening also owes its origins to the exploitation of the poor by the architects of the New World Order. The water crisis of 2000 became the watershed event (pun intended) for the Bolivian masses; who managed to drive an American MNC out of Cochabamba, restoring the water rights with the local government. The election of Evo Morales in 2005 was the culmination of this struggle. However, like Venezuelan, Bolivian government also has its opponents in the oligarchy, which unlike its Venezuelan counterparts, has not yet given up the dream of a ‘liberal ruling class’, established with the blessings of the US.

Ali takes up Cuban Revolution to show the past, present and the future of the revolution, which is now being carried forward by the neighbouring countries. The most important question posing the continent right now is of the succession of Fidel Castro. With neo-liberals, armed with their capitalist armour, patiently waiting for the ‘old man’ to die, this indeed is an issue worth probing. Ali concludes by hoping that the continent would live up to the expectations of Castro and produce the torchbearers for the revolution, which is far from over.

See no evil

Book review of Noam Chomsky's What we say goes, published in Books&Authors on November 2, 2008.

Misinformation, or euphemistically put ‘altered information’, is characteristic of the New World Order. This machinery works overtime every four years when ‘hockey moms’ and ‘Joe six-packs’ go to the polls and elect America’s Commander-in-Chief. In the frenzy of capturing maximum air time, television networks are flooded with campaign ads which not only manipulate public opinion but at times seem to mock one’s capacity to think sensibly. In this mindless media circus What We Say Goes stands out as a much needed break. The book is a compilation of interviews and conversations Noam Chomsky had with David Barsamian over a period of two years on different international and domestic issues.

Critiquing the American media, Chomsky comes right to the point and states that the principles of American media do not allow journalists to state unfavourable truths. In his signature candid manner, he says that American journalists are only concerned with violations of international law when it is committed by the ‘enemy’ states.

As a reformative measure, Chomsky prescribes a certain degree of ‘civil disobedience to recreate a functioning democracy’ as opposed to the blind subordination to authority.

Discussing the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in July 2006, he questions the very premise for the attacks. Israel had launched the invasion as self defense after Hezbollah killed eight of its soldiers and captured two. Chomsky points out that Israel has been abducting and killing civilians for decades and no one has suggested an invasion of the country, so the reason given could not have been a justification for launching an offensive against Lebanon.

Chomsky makes a very interesting observation by pointing out American disapproval for secular nationalism in the Muslim world. According to him, America and Israel have been instrumental in promoting fundamentalist Islamic groups by eliminating secular forces.

Discussing the double standards towards democracy, he cites the example of the election victory of Hamas, which, despite meeting the international principles of democracy, irked the neo-con lobby. As a result Israel has turned Gaza into the ‘biggest prison in the world.’

The question of democracy is raised again, when the author explains the legitimacy of Latin American leaders. Evo Morales was declared a dictator when he nationalised Bolivia’s key resources, despite the fact that he was supported by 95 per cent of his populace. Chomsky links America’s aversion to Latin American democracy with neo-liberal economics. According to him, the capitalist policies, which aim to benefit the northern hemisphere, are disapproved by a democratic government hence it becomes essential for US interest to have a puppet dictatorship in place which can be easily managed. A case in point is Chile after the Pinochet coup in 1973. Chomsky also discusses the economic mess created by the infamous Chicago Boys in Chile after the coup.

The author turns his attention to American society next and analyses the divisions and contrasts within its fabric. He explains how the public is pitted against the power systems. For example on the issue of Iran, the majority of the populace favours diplomatic initiatives, but their opinion doesn’t matter much to the decision-makers.

Analysing the nature of debate and discourse, he discusses how anyone criticising the government becomes unpatriotic, and anyone questioning the rogue tactics against Iran becomes a supporter of Ahmedinejad — or worse, a Holocaust denier. Demonisation of the enemy protects the government’s right to lie.

When the book went into print, there was little indication of the global economic crisis, therefore it is interesting to see Chomsky’s warning about the fragility of the real estate sector. He predicts the collapse of the housing bubble and fears the consequences would be dire.

Karachi

Sometimes I feel like I don’t have a partner
Sometimes I feel like my only friend
Is the city I live in
The city of angels
Lonely as I am
Together we cry
-- City of Angels - Red Hot Chili Peppers

It is not the most beautiful city in the world, it is certainly not the richest nor the most luxurious – despite the pockets of luxury scattered on the fortunate side of the bridge – it is Karachi – the city of lights, blight and everything in between.

It is home to the politicians with big cars and even bigger promises, home to beggars who make more money than a blue-collar employee, home to street children who sell flowers by day and their innocence by night, home to morally suffocated masses who breathe in confusion and breathe out dogma, home to free spirits who cherish their polluted existences, along with all of this…Karachi is home to me…or at least it was.

So what do I write when I bid adieu to my city. As I pen my farewell note to the city which has shown me the good, bad and the ugly life has to offer, I must commit the crime of being clichéd by stating that I do love Karachi, why… I don’t know. Maybe I love the city because it’s been kind enough to house me, or maybe because this is all the world I’ve known so far, whatever the reason be, one thing is undeniable, this city has shown me the ugliest face of humankind, the brutality to which one can stoop to and the callousness we are all capable of possessing. With all of that, Karachi has taught me to stand up to this, to be brave, to face my worst fears…it’s taught me that life goes on, no matter what.

I wanted to leave the city by after feeling the dynamic, chaotic pace of things; after soaking in the serene stretches of the beach; after enjoying the eclectic colours of life that are so beautifully woven in the fabric of Karachi; that is the city I had wanted to say good-bye to. Sadly, the city I bid adieu to was a ravaged skeleton of its former self. As I drove to the airport, I felt drained, tired and sad. What I had expected to be a moment of joy, was eclipsed by an unknown fear and a strong sense of guilt. While waiting for the final call to the greener pastures, I felt I was betraying my city by leaving it at its worst and the weakest moment. Good-byes are never easy, and this particular one was the most difficult of them all.

* Photo by Faras Ghani

The art of (wo)manipulation

From Sun Tzu in the East to Machiavelli in West, the social and political evolution of man and womankind is dotted with attempts by humble creatures to master the art of manipulation and diplomacy. What came to the wise ones after much effort and thought comes rather naturally to the women of the subcontinent.

The shrewdest political architects would find in our good ol’ lady of the house a formidable rival if competing in the art of trickery. A little tear here, a little sob there and mothers, grandmothers, wives and sisters would have entire households on their knees, racked with guilt and willing to shed blood to appease the drama queens.

It’s amazing how the machinations of the fairer sex work. Yes, they are weak and suppressed and what not, but those who find the breach in the repressive chauvinistic fabric of our society, exploit it to the hilt.

The most effective trick in their bag is the quintessential sobbing. Mind you, this is not full-fledged weeping with water works, et al; it is done rather tastefully with a tear or two escaping the eye and a throaty voice to add emotional depth to the situation. Case in point, a dissatisfied begum who must have the latest, branded lawn jora; when the husband dares to point out the four dozen joras hanging in the closet, which is bursting at seams, the manipulation starts, ‘Koi baat nahi, mein puranay kapray hi pehan loon gi’, this coupled with teary eyes melts the husband’s heart and begum sahiba gets to add a jora or two to her collection.

Cursing their fate is another tactic often used by women to draw sympathetic obedience. Beating the chest with high-pitched wailing not only invokes sympathy but often instils a strange kind of fear in the victim. This tactic is usually applied when a rebellious son refuses to marry mommy’s dear darling niece. Since mommy jee has already envisioned her son’s future with her niece and even picked out names for their progeny, the rebellion should be dealt with post-haste. Hence comes the emotional blackmailing, ‘Aik hi beta mila aur who bhi aisa nikla, ab kismet hi kharab ho tou banda kya karey’. This seemingly harmless act can rein in the most disobedient lot.

One might think that only men are subjected to this wonderful art of blackmail and manipulation; however, that is not quite the case. Women, who are uninitiated in the art of diplomacy often fall prey to these machinations. Similarly, men too make full use of these tactics to get their way out sticky situations, however the effectiveness of their trickery is somewhat correlated to their age and position in the family; an elder can manipulate the younger lot more easily than a young gun trying his hands at the art.

It is not very uncommon to hear a male elder admonish daughter or granddaughter for wanting to pursue a career ‘Humari tarbiyat mein hi kuch kammi reh gayi hogi’.

The art of manipulation is perhaps as old as the human race, okay maybe not that old, but it has been around for some time now. It would not be wrong to suggest that you need a little shove every now and then to get what you want. The beauty of the game is when the players appear meek, submissive and powerless while they not only hold all the cards, but also have the trump up their sleeve. If the above-mentioned examples are any indication, then it would be safe to assume that we have quite a few seasoned players amongst us.

Published in Images on Sunday on April 12, 2009.

Breathless in Bradistan

When moving abroad one takes along an excess baggage of emotions, hopes and fears. There is the sad realisation of leaving your best friends behind, comforts of domestic help, your job, and the sense of belonging.

However, the sorrow is balanced with the joy of knowing that you will be in a place where people do not judge you for what you wear, eat, drink, breathe and think. You can’t help feeling relieved that you can walk out in your favourite pair of jeans and even in your night suit when you’re feeling too lazy to change.

By the time you are airborne, you quite happily relinquish the social formalities, which are part and parcel of the Pakistani lifestyle –– no uninvited guests, boring dinner parties and mindless gossip. You’re a free bird and off you go. However, if your chosen destination is Bradford, the ultimate desi hub of England, then you are in for a big-unpleasant-reeking-of-curry-surprise.

It would be wrong on my part to say that I didn’t see it coming. I was given a fair amount of warning from all quarters. I was told Bradford can be mistaken for Lahore. But, the description is quite inaccurate. Bradford does not look like Lahore, heck no, Lahore is way too modern and, dare I say, ‘western’.

Bradistan is as desi as Daska. Living in this city is nothing short of an experience where you travel back in time –– 1960’s to be precise. The Pakistanis who migrated here to fuel the industrial boom seem to be in a time warp; in terms of their thinking and ideas they are very much in the decade when they left their homeland.

Preservation of your culture is a given, but to obstinately resist integration is quite irrational. The narrow mindedness and double standards that plague Pakistani society exist here in abundance.

A large chunk of the older generation refuses to learn English, it’s funny because they do not mind enjoying the benefits offered in this country, but when it comes to learning the language, even if it’s for the sake of integration, their desi sensibilities get offended. I was warned that lingual affiliations are so strong here that one is deemed too ‘modern’ if found conversing in Urdu –– the vernacular being Mirpuri, Brahvi and other regional languages.

It is needless to say if found speaking English, you’re dismissed as a pariah. So do not be surprised if you step in a taxi and are greeted by Noorjahan or Attaullah Essa Khelvi singing their lungs out of the music player; and if your taxi driver is not into music, then there’s a good chance you might end up listening to tilawat or dars.

The fashion is as ancient as the ideas which Bradford desis live by. With 80 per cent of women in burqas and naqaab, you can feel like a fish out of water if dressed in western attire and have old women glare at you. Those who do not wear burqas wear shalwar kameez, which prompt you to say ‘hey 1980s called, they want the hemlines back’. I am not a very fashion savvy person, but such blatant violations of fashion can irk anyone with even the remotest idea of what the current trends are.

Cinemas are yet another place where the eccentric fashion sense comes on display. On weekends, women put on every bling item they have in their wardrobe, we’re talking gold, diamante encrusted sandals, organza shalwar kameez (no exaggerations here) and chandelier earrings. With boutiques like ‘Laadli’ and ‘Dulhan ka Raaj’ in abundance, the bling-brigade is never out of supplies.

However, having excessively ranted about the city, it would be unfair on my part to ignore the positive aspects, which I benefit from immensely and to some extent facilitated my adjustment. Take, for instance, the easy availability of desi foodstuff; with Dial-a-roti nearby, I can enjoy my chicken curry with tandoori naans anytime of the day; I have to just step out of my house to get the entire range of Shan masalas, lentils, Rooh Afza, and all the other complicated condiments which go into making ultimate Pakistani cuisine; and whenever I miss Karachi, I can hop to the Kashmir Bakery and get my choice of samosas, sweetmeat, chaat and pani puri.

At the end of the day, despite all its eccentric characteristics, Bradford is a home away from home. The city has been the closest thing to Pakistan I could have here and has saved me from being homesick. So I guess, for the initial adjustment phase, a place like Bradford is not bad, however, you can get an overdose of your own medicine if you stay here for too long.

Published in The Review on June 12, 2008

The show must go on

The Olympic torch relay represents “internationalism” and is defined as “an emotionally charged symbol of peace” by Britannica. It seems that the editors of the encyclopedia will soon have to revise this definition.

The 2008 torch relay, which is halfway on its journey to the host country, has so far been anything but a symbol of peace. On the contrary, it has symbolised chaotic parades.

The torch, which was lit on March 28, has been subjected to protests against all things wrong with the Chinese government — its human rights record, environmental hazards and the repression in Tibet. What was supposed to be an attempt to present a more amicable image of Chinese society has gone terribly awry. When entrusted with the responsibility of hosting the Olympics, the country vowed to make improvements on all those issues that posed a challenge to its acceptance in the international arena. So, has China met the challenge? It would be unfair to say no.

Even though Tibet remains sealed off and journalists and international adjudicators await entry into what is known as ‘the roof of the world’, it would be wrong not to mention the efforts being made to address the environmental issues in the country — perhaps the US will follow suit.

The Olympic torch is being taken as something representing Chinese autocracy. In London, the attempt to extinguish the flame led to 35 arrests; in Paris, the flame had to be put out at least twice to avoid the crowd, which was being controlled by 3,000 policemen; in San Francisco, the torchbearers had to re-route the relay to avoid the protests. No one should judge the intent of those who came out on the streets to voice their concerns over the Tibetan movement. However, one is forced to wonder whether these protests were pro-Tibet or anti-China. It is one thing to speak out for a repressed nation facing the risk of cultural annihilation, and quite another to target a nation trying to come out of its claustrophobic cocoon.

The Chinese people are happy and proud to be hosting an event that promotes internationalism. Instead of taking the Olympics as an opportunity to improve communication with the Chinese society, the games are being projected as a grossly extensive propaganda campaign by the Chinese junta. The western media has been aggressive to the extent of alienating the progressive sections of the Chinese populace who rely on their support and international diplomatic mediation to achieve liberal values that have so far been denied to them.

It is ironic that world leaders are being discouraged to attend the games to show support for the Tibetan cause when Dalai Lama himself has supported the Olympics saying that the Chinese people deserve to host it. Perhaps it would be too ambitious to expect the likes of ‘ping-pong diplomacy’ work at the Beijing Olympics, but it would be too cynical to dismiss hopes of something fruitful coming out of international participation.

While the players in the international arena must give some leeway to China, the Chinese government should also realise that merely hosting the Olympics would not be enough to earn international acceptance. It will have to allow basic freedom of expression to its people, prefer diplomacy to militarism while dealing with Tibet, and will have to loosen media control to counter the allegations of symbolised propaganda in order to prove that Chinese society is, in fact, on the road to transformation. So while the games go on with all their pomp and grandeur, the government will have to tolerate the Tibetan monks protesting outside sporting venues. At least that’s what the warmongers did in Washington and London while making plans to invade Iraq.

Published in Dawn Magazine on April 27, 2008.

No community in this Centre

Since I am from Pakistan, and a journalist, Pakistan Community Centre (PCC) should have been amongst the top-5 places-to-visit-in-Bradford, but it wasn't because I expected the place to be a sad victim of red-tapism and negligence, as is almost every Pakistani organisation be it inside or outside the country. So I crossed the centre quite a few times without making an effort to go in. However, one day, overcome by excessive guilt, I paid a long-due visit to the facility. The banner offering free computer courses added to my guilt and I felt bad for having underestimated the place, interestingly, the guilt wore off rather quickly as I entered the building and found myself in a dark, sparsely furnished hall. A lone soul showed up from nowhere, the dull expression on his face was enough to gauge the amount of activity happening in this community centre. When inquired about the 'free' computer course, he told me that they had to stop the programme because of shortage of funds, when asked about any other activities, he showed me a huge (empty) kitchen and two halls which are used for mehndi and shadi functions - not quite the kind of activities I wanted to learn about.

In a city like Bradford, where there is a sizable Pakistani community comprising entrepreneurs and other professionals, it is disappointing to see the community centre in a state of disarray. The space available can be used for a number of courses - English language courses for adults would be a good idea as a good number of desis here can't converse in any language other than their dialect of Punjabi, Mirpuri, Potohari and Pahari. Funding should not be an issue for courses started on small scale as students can volunteer for these programmes. The centre can be a good platform for gathering Pakistani professionals and launching ventures aimed at improving integration in the society. Until that is done, one assumes, PCC will only be hosting matrimonial ventures.